The State of the Law during Lockdown

The State of the Law during Lockdown

Updated: Apr 14
Authors: Candice Pillay – Director, Lawtons Africa
Article courtesy of Lawtons Africa

The nationwide lockdown to curb the spread of the coronavirus was announced on 23 March 2020 amid speculation and fear around the deployment of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF), the South African Police Services (SAPS) and metropolitan police services.

President Cyril Ramaphosa’s declaration of a national state of disaster invoked the provisions of the Disaster Management Act (DMA) [1], as amended. The President did not, however, declare a state of emergency as provided for in Section 37 of the Constitution [2], which would have invoked the State of Emergency Act (SOE) [3]. It is important to understand that the powers conferred on enforcement officers during a state of emergency and a state of disaster are entirely different.

During a state of disaster, the powers conferred by the DMA [4] are to (a) assist and protect the public, (b) provide relief to the public, (c) protect property, (d) prevent or combat disruptions, and (e) deal with the destructive and other effects of the disaster. This is the overall mandate of all enforcement officers during a state of disaster.

The Defence Act (DA) [5] allows the President to deploy the SANDF in order to (a) preserve life, health or property in emergency or humanitarian relief operations; (b) ensure the provision of essential services; (c) support any department of state, including support for purposes of socioeconomic upliftment; and (d) effect national border control [6]. During this deployment, a member of the Defence Force is regarded as being a peace officer [7] as defined in section 1 of the Criminal Procedure Act (CPA) [8]. As such, SANDF members have limited powers which are subordinate to the powers conferred on members of the SAPS. In circumstances where the SANDF are involved in crime prevention activities, any persons detained or arrested, or goods seized, must be handed over to the relevant SAPS member.

Read the full article here.



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COVID-19 Lockdown: What does this mean for employees?

COVID-19 Lockdown: What does this mean for employees?

By Seshni Govender – Staff attorney, Durban

As the COVID-19 outbreak spreads through society, the rules and norms in the workplace are changing. With South Africa in a 21-day lockdown for the first time in its history, many people are left with unanswered questions. Employers and employees are concerned about the impact this will have on their employment. Many employers were forced to shut down businesses and employees are forced to stay at home as a result.

During the period of the 21-day lockdown employees can fall into the following groups:
– Essential services employees;
– Employees who can work from home;
– Employees who cannot work from home or go in to work.

Essential services employees have been defined in terms of the Disaster Management Act, 57 of 2002: Amended Regulations, and not the Labour Relations Act, 66 of 1995. This group of employees is obligated to go to work despite the lockdown regulations that have been imposed by the President. These employees will be paid their salaries and will have to carry out their daily tasks as stipulated in their employment contracts. Should an employee refuse to work, or not go to work, then the principle of “no work no pay” will come into effect and the employee may face a disciplinary hearing.

In terms of the Occupational Health and Safety Act, 85 of 1993 employers must ensure that the working environment is safe for the employee. In this instance an employer must have gloves, masks, hand sanitisers and other protective gear available to employees who are required to work during this period. Employers must also ensure that social distancing is practised during working hours. Should employers not adhere to the aforementioned, then employees may refuse to work due to unsafe working conditions.

Many employees fall under the second category, which are employees who can work from home. These employees are entitled to be paid as long as they can carry out their duties. The employer may put in place specific deliverables to ensure that the employee is working at home i.e. timesheets, weekly calls, emails, progress reports, etc. Should an employee fail to carry out the daily tasks set by the employer while working from home, the employer can institute disciplinary action against the employee as set out in the employee’s employment contract.

However, the question that arises when it comes to the third category of employees, is what will happen to them since they are unable to work? When we look at the business imperatives of a company, some employees’ jobs are linked to the business premises, such as cleaners. These employees are at risk of being arrested should they go to work and break the lockdown rules and regulations. Employers are therefore left with the daunting task of deciding what they should do with their employees during this crisis.

The options that are open to them are the following:
– Pay the employees in full;
– Pay their employees half of their salary;
– Force their employees to take annual leave; or
– Offer their employees a loan, which can be recovered at a later stage.

It has come to light that many employers are favouring the third option, which is to force employees to take annual leave. This has not been taken well by Government. Labour Minister T. W. Nxesi reiterated in a media briefing in Pretoria that the Government has made funds available to businesses to mitigate some of the losses experienced due to the shutdown. Employees will be entitled to benefits under the Unemployment Insurance Fund and the COVID-19 Benefit Fund that the Unemployment Insurance Fund has established as an instrument to mitigate the effects of the layoff of employees during the lockdown. Therefore, the Labour Minister has stated clearly that no employer should force his or her employees to take annual leave or leave without pay during the period of the lockdown.

This pandemic has created many hurdles and it will be interesting to observe how employers react to the challenges they are presented with and the impact this will have on the workplace. COVID-19 will have a lasting impact on the work environment, as it has forced us to explore alternative ways of working that were previously thought to be closed to us. One thing is for certain: at the end of this we can expect to see a very changed South African employment landscape.


Click here for our complete April 2020 Newsletter

South Africa’s National Lockdown and Civil Liberties

South Africa’s National Lockdown and Civil Liberties

By Shadreck Masike – Intern, Cape Town

The world has not faced a global crisis to the proportions being posed by the COVID-19 pandemic since World War II. Since its outbreak in late 2019, the pandemic has ravaged societies starting in Wuhan, China, spreading to the rest of Asia and the Middle East, Europe, the Americas and now Africa; infecting over a million people globally with a death toll of around 50 000 and rising, as at the time of writing. Its rapid spread necessitated the adoption of swift measures to curtail and contain its spread which has seen many countries embarking on national lockdowns where all non-essential services have been suspended and people ordered to stay at home. With confirmed corona virus cases standing at 1 380 and the total number of deaths at 5 as at 2 April 2020, South Africa has not been spared, with the President declaring a State of National Disaster and a concomitant 21 day National Lockdown which commenced at midnight on 27 March 2020 and was since extended for a further two weeks. To ensure compliance with the National Lockdown, all the country’s security forces were deployed to the streets including the South African National Defence Force (SANDF).
Since the lockdown there has been wild speculation as to its effect on the Bill of Rights. Does the lockdown suspend the operation of the Bill of Rights, either partially or in its entirety? Such questions and fears were compounded further by reports of brutality and harassment against members of the public by security forces, in particular members of the SANDF. It has been reported, with evidence from video footage, that members of the army are beating people seen loitering in the streets, especially in township communities. Video footage has surfaced of people being beaten, forced to roll on the ground in military fashion and doing squats, prompting the Defence Minister to issue a statement clarifying that such conduct by soldiers is unlawful and not in conformity with their mandate in respect of enforcing the lockdown regulations. The question that then remains is what effect the lockdown has on the civil liberties of our people?
The lockdown was effected pursuant to Regulations published by Government Gazette Notice 318 of 18 March 2020, as subsequently amended by Government Notice R. 398 of 25 March 2020. These Regulations were made under Section 27(2) of the National Disaster Management Act of 2002. Essentially, they are meant to restrict the movement of people locally, between cities and metros, amongst other things. The role of security forces then is to ensure that the restrictions on movement and gatherings are adhered to. Although the cited Regulations limit the exercise of human rights as espoused in the Bill of Rights, such limitation is permitted in terms of Section 36 of the Constitution, which provides that the exercise of rights may be limited by law of general application provided that the limitation is necessary, justified and reasonable in a democratic society. However, such limitation must only be to the extent that it is necessary to preserve, amongst other things, public health, as in this case. This entails that even the rights that are directly limited by the Lockdown Regulations are not suspended in their entirety, but only limited to the extent that such limitation is necessary for the preservation of public health, and in this case, to contain the spread of Covid-19. To that end, the Bill of Rights is not suspended, nor are the security forces now enjoying impunity to commit human rights violations in the name of the lockdown. They are there to enforce law and order.

Provision is further made for criminal liability against anyone found guilty of contravening the regulations, with the offender being liable to pay a fine or serve imprisonment not exceeding six months, or both. This means that even where an individual contravenes the provisions of the regulations and is arrested, the rights of arrested, accused & detained persons enshrined in the Constitution applies to them. The regulations do not equip the army with powers to impose punishment on alleged offenders in the form of beatings, squats or military rolls.

To avoid doubt, the Bill of Rights is still very much in operation, though some rights have been limited, and the abuse of the citizenry by military personnel remains fundamentally unlawful. It constitutes unjustified limitation of the Bill of Rights in a democratic society as contemplated by the South African Constitution.


Click here for our complete April 2020 Newsletter

COVID-19 Infection and the workforce

By Siyabonga Zondi – Intern, Durban Office

In the most unequal society in the world, which is currently going through a recession, perennial power cuts and one of the highest unemployment rates in the world, a deadly communicable virus outbreak is the last thing South Africa needed. Apart from the lives that may be lost, a major area of concern is an economy, which was already on a declining trajectory prior to the outbreak hitting South Africa’s shores, being made more vulnerable than ever and bordering on collapse. The people who will bear the brunt of this are the poor working class, who may be exposed to mass dismissals, unfair labour practices and a flouting of the basic conditions of employment.

This then begs the question: what role does the Labour Relations Act 66 of 1995 (LRA) and the Basic Conditions of Employment Act 75 of 1997 (BCEA) play in the wake of the COVID-19 outbreak? Do employees still enjoy the protection afforded by these two pieces of labour legislation, even in a time where employers may not be in a position where they are able to meet their obligations towards their employees?

Among the most pressing concerns by most employees is whether they can be dismissed due to contracting COVID-19. In terms Schedule 8: Code of Good Practice Dismissals, an employer is obligated to investigate the extent of an illness if an employee is temporarily unable to work. If the illness may result in a prolonged absence from work, alternatives to a dismissal must first be considered. The factors that should be taken into account when considering alternatives to dismissal include the seriousness of the illness, the period of absence, the nature of the employee’s job and whether a temporary replacement may be secured. Throughout the process the employee is to be afforded an opportunity to make recommendations. If all processes have been followed and no suitable alternative to dismissal is found, the employer would then have an option to dismiss the employee.

There are also situations where businesses may find themselves having to dismiss much of their workforce due to operational requirements. Dismissals based on operational requirements are carried out in terms of section 189 of the LRA. These requirements can be defined as technological, structural, economic or similar needs of the employer. The recommended recovery/isolation period for a person who is deemed to have COVID-19 is 14 days, which in itself would not justify a need to retrench the employee. This position would significantly change, however, where an employer would have several employees being infected and requiring time away for isolation or recovery. In this situation a retrenchment based on operational requirements would be necessitated.

The Occupational Health and Safety Act 85 of 1993 (OHSA) obligates an employer to maintain as far as reasonably practicable a safe working environment that is without risk to the safety and health of its employees. This, however, does not mean that an employee may refuse to come to work in fear of contracting COVID-19. Employees who stay away from work may be required to furnish reasons for their absence, and failure to provide them may result in the employee facing disciplinary action.

A point of much debate and uncertainty for many employees is the “no work, no pay” principle. To pay employees for work done is one of the obligations of the employer, but what happens if the employees show up at work but are unable to work for some reason or another because of COVID-19? In such a situation the employer is obliged to pay the employees, as they have made themselves available and shown up at work. The fact that something beyond their control has inhibited them from performing their duties should not result in the employees not being given their due remuneration. The employer may, however, have recourse to the temporary layoff of employees where normal business operations may not continue.

They say every generation has a war that it must fight. In the past it was the attainment of freedom and equality, both in general and in the workplace. Our labour legislation is now very liberal in its nature and promotes equality. The battle we now face is one of decreasing unemployment rates, and increasing the quality of life of all employees, in the wake of a weakened economy and a dangerous communicable virus.


Click here for our complete April 2020 Newsletter

Birth certificates for undocumented minors

Birth certificates for undocumented minors

Lesley Blake studied at
Wits University and was
admitted as an attorney
in 1995. Her practice
consists of service to the
SMME market – general
legal advice, collections,
drafting agreements and
general litigation. The
practice is also slanted
towards Family Law
including access and
maintenance disputes.

Lesley Blake studied at Wits University and was admitted as an attorney in 1995. Her practice consists of service to the SMME market – general legal advice, collections, drafting agreements and general litigation. The practice is also slanted towards Family Law including access and maintenance disputes.

The Department of Home Affairs appears to have a policy (unrelated to any law that I can find) that they will only issue a Birth Certificate in the following circumstances:

  1. To a woman who is the mother of the child, personally appearing to bring that application;
  2. Where there is documentary evidence of the birth of the child in a South African hospital or medical facility;
  3. Where she has registered the birth within seven days.

In any circumstances apart from the above, all of us as role-players in the social welfare and legal environments have had endless difficulty in getting a birth certificate issued.

Where there is a biological unmarried father of the child, Home Affairs requires that he have a genetic test to prove his fatherhood. If so established, there are some instances where they issue the birth certificate to him, particularly when Home Affairs already have him as the father on their system or where the Children’s Court forces them to do so. Of course, the law is that both parents have parenting rights and there is no real reason in law why a birth certificate could not simply be given to a father. Nevertheless, it is likely one would need a court order to force them to do so.

In cases where the other aspect is not satisfied – for example when the mother is missing or the mother does not have documentary evidence of the birth, or where the birth was not timeously registered, there would be room to bring an application to force Home Affairs to issue a birth certificate. In each such application one would need to establish to the satisfaction of the Court that:

  1. The child is a South African – whether by birth or descent. Thus, place facts before the Court on affidavit about who the parents are and the place of birth of the child;
  2. There is good cause why the mother cannot appear to apply for the certificate;
  3. The person/s applying for the birth certificate have parental rights and responsibilities or ought to have them or are entitled to the issuing of the certificate. So even where the applicant is the aunt or a children’s home or a social worker, that person should be entitled to get the birth certificate and have a purpose for it.

As a final point, the application should be brought by way of a Notice of Motion and a Founding
Affidavit. Remember that it is very easy to lose an application by asking for more urgency than the
circumstances justify. Take your time and win the first time.


Click here for our complete April 2020 Newsletter

The Green Market Square furore

The Green Market Square furore

By: Mattew December – Intern, Cape Town

On 8 October 2019, a group of refugees commenced a sit-in protest at the Cape Town offices of the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) following a wave of xenophobic attacks on foreign nationals across the country. The group, which include about 624 men, women and children and 65 undocumented refugees, alleges that they are being persecuted in South Africa by a community insensitive to their plight as refugees and therefore are living in fear for their lives on a daily basis. Their demand to the UNHCR was to be relocated to a third country, which is not South Africa or their country of origin since, in both, they feared persecution. The UNHCR could not guarantee such a demand, citing international law on refugees, as well as their operational guidelines. Since no agreement could be reached concerning relocation, the City Council proceeded to forcibly evict them from the UNHCR premises, and an ugly scene of violence erupted, resulting in the Reverend Allan Storey of the Central Methodist Church offering them temporary shelter until their plight was addressed.

Until recently, the refugees have been staying in the Central Methodist Church right in the heart of the Cape Town CBD. The conditions of their stay there became a concern, with reports of violence between factions of refugees, poor sanitary conditions, health scares and fire risks owing to overcrowding.

The conditions were clearly degrading to say the least. This prompted the City of Cape Town to seek an order from the Western Cape High Court to enforce Municipal Regulations with regard to the occupation of the church by the protesters. Court hearings were also scenes of violence between the police and the protesters. The court ruled that the City has to ensure that the protesters’ human rights are protected before any penalties for infringing by-laws could be enforced. At the end of it all, it was a battle between the City to enforce by-laws by evicting the refugees, and the refugees resisting eviction until they were moved to another country that is not South Africa or their country of origin.

To many ordinary people who witnessed the debacle unfold, the refugees were the victims and the South African government, its agencies and the UNHCR were being insensitive to their plight. In the eyes of an innocent bystander, they were caught between a rock and a hard place; either to return to their communities in Cape Town and face persecution, or remain in the CBD facing running battles with the police. Some wondered why the UNHCR is not relocating them to a third country, which appeared to be the only logical thing to do to settle this crisis. But what does the law say?

Refugees are governed by International Law and the laws of the receiving country – in this case, South Africa. Generally, when a country receives a refugee, it is not at liberty in law to return that person to a country that they are fleeing from, by operation of the principle of non-refoulement. In the event that such a person returns to the country from which they fled, their refugee status is automatically revoked. Where a refugee is facing persecution in the country they fled to, two options are available; either they are returned to their country of origin or relocated to a third country. However, relocating them to a third country requires (a) individual determination of each case to determine the circumstances of the persecution and whether they warrant relocation, and (b) the availability of a third country that is willing to receive the refugees. In the present case, neither requirement has been met. The refugees are not willing to have each case be decided on its own merit and secondly, there is no country which has shown willingness to welcome the refugees. The refugees too are refusing to go back to their country of origin. Under such circumstances, there is nothing that the South African government or the UNHCR can do about the situation. A solution can only be found through the cooperation of the refugees, which has not been forthcoming owing to factional fights, and the availability of a third country willing to receive the refugees and settle them within their territory.


Click here for our complete April 2020 Newsletter

Parktown Boys High drowning: Who holds the duty of care?

Parktown Boys High drowning: Who holds the duty of care?

By Melissa Engelbrecht, Cape Town intern

On 15 January 2020 the nation woke up to the shocking news of the disappearance and subsequent death of Enoch Mpianzi, a 13-year old grade eight scholar at Parktown Boys High School in Johannesburg. According to various media reports, Enoch drowned in the Crocodile River when a makeshift raft the pupils were required to build overturned during an orientation camp at Nyati Bush and River Break Lodge. With revelations emerging that the deceased had no life vest and that two days passed before school authorities realised that he was actually missing, eyebrows were raised as to the extent of the negligence implicit herein. Calls were made for the headmaster of the school in question to resign, which were followed by demonstrations and the matter becoming headline news for some days. A large portion of society feels the school authorities abandoned their moral obligation to protect students in their custody; however, it is in fact a legally imposed duty of care. Parktown Boys High hoped to escape liability by raising the issue of a signed indemnity form, but this in itself does not vindicate the school from their duty of care.

One of the most important duties that rests with any school is the= responsibility of the physical care of learners. This duty finds its roots in common law and is legally recognised as the duty of care. It entails that every school, its employees and authority must take reasonable steps to ensure the safety and welfare of learners within their control. It extends – as in this case – to excursions, and any situation that the school can reasonably be deemed to have control over. It should however be noted that breaching the duty of care attracts legal liabilities under the law of delict, hence it is essential to understand instances under which this duty is said to be breached.

One such instance is when there are acts or omissions which give rise to negligence. Negligence is defined as a failure to take reasonable care to avoid causing injury or loss to another person. It is therefore important to note that whenever negligence is raised, the reasonable person’s test applies, which is the benchmark used to measure whether conduct is reasonable under the circumstances or not. This question was settled in S v Burger where the court proclaimed that a reasonable person is only required to tread life’s pathway with moderation and prudent common sense.

As such, where a school arranges an outing and the activities to be undertaken include building a raft and rowing on waters where the current is fairly strong, as was the case in Enoch Mpianzi’s matter, it is evident that a reasonable teacher under these circumstances would have exercised prudent common sense by providing adequate material with which to build such a raft, ensure that every student was wearing a life jacket and guarantee that there were sufficient staff supervising such water activities. Thus, failure to do so would in terms of the reasonable person’s test constitute gross negligence and a dereliction of both a moral and legal duty.

It is therefore safe to conclude that Parktown Boys High were required by law to exercise reasonable apprehension or to foresee that certain activities that pupils participated in attracted greater risk to them and more cautious steps ought to have been taken to prevent potential tragedies. Thus, Parktown Boys’ High had in fact failed to uphold the duty of care implicit under the circumstances.


Click here for our complete February 2020 Newsletter

Service Delivery Protests in SA

Service Delivery Protests in SA

By Thulisile M. Buthelezi, Durban intern

The Regulation of Gatherings Act 205 of 1993 is an important piece of legislation used to regulate the holding of public gatherings and demonstrations. South Africa’s right to take to the streets to march, demonstrate or present petitions is protected by the Constitution. This right is linked to other political rights including freedom of expression and freedom of association, which means the right to associate with a cause, idea or organisation. Of course, there are certain channels and procedures that must be followed in order to organise a legal protest in South Africa. Simply put, it must be in accordance with the Regulation of Gatherings Act.

South Africa has experienced a wave of service delivery protests amounting to a rebellion of the poor and marginalised. It is unfortunate that many service delivery protests take place under conditions characterised by malicious damage to public and private property and the looting of shops. Municipalities are the most basic units of government in the country and are tasked with providing basic services and fostering development in the regions they govern. Local government in South Africa is largely understood in terms of service delivery and the South African Constitution assigns municipalities the responsibility to mobilise economic resources towards the improvement of the lives of all citizens. Basic services are the fundamental building blocks of improved quality of life and adequate supplies of water and adequate sanitation are necessary for life, well-being and human dignity.

In May/June 2019, the Durban Municipality came to a halt as violent protests ripped through the city after municipal workers went on strike, demanding salary increases. This came after municipal workers discovered that the City was giving MK veterans preferential treatment in terms of promotions and salary increases. The said damage to infrastructure as a result of the strike amounted to over R4 million, ultimately affecting service delivery and the economy as a whole.

In order to embark on a service delivery protest within the legal parameters it is important to identify a person (convener) who will be responsible for contacting the relevant local authority. The elected convener must notify the local authority at least seven days before an action by completing a notice form (which contains the details of the gathering/protest, details of the convener and activists who will guide the protest and prevent it from becoming violent) that must be submitted to the local authority to inform them of the gathering. The Act does not require notice if there are less than 15 participants unless the protest is to take place at Parliament, the Union Buildings or any South African court.
Protests are meant to be disruptive and make statements, but within reason. While singing, chanting and marching are all allowed and encouraged, protesters cannot physically harm a person or vandalise property. Lawful protests must dissolve at the time that the organisers agreed on and if the police services (SAPS) give an order. It is illegal to continue to disobey the SAPS order and it can lead to arrest. According to the law the SAPS are meant to protect the protesters and facilitate a safe space for the protest to take place. Police officers are meant to engage with protesters to resolve any issues that may occur during the protest and intervene if things get out of hand, and some form of violence or destruction of property occurs. The SAPS are permitted to arrest protesters who break the law.

If the protest is illegal people can be charged with convening a gathering without giving notice, attending a prohibited gathering or even with public violence, malicious injury to property and assault. It is worrying that the country has been plagued by violent service delivery protests characterised by increasing damage to public and private property. This has resulted in the economy bearing the brunt of this undesirable situation.


Click here for our complete December 2019 Newsletter

Is the Return of the Death Penalty a Viable Sentencing Option In South Africa’s Constitutional Dispensation?

Is the Return of the Death Penalty a Viable Sentencing Option In South Africa’s Constitutional Dispensation?

By Yolanda Mnyengeza, Cape Town intern


In early September 2019, residents of Cape Town took to the streets after a series of gruesome murders of women during National Women’s Month, many of them demanding that the death penalty be reinstated as a form of punishment for those who commit violent crimes against women and children. After a three-day protest from 3 to 5 September 2019, President Cyril Ramaphosa eventually addressed the crowd outside Parliament but he did not engage the protesters on their call for the death penalty. Instead, he proposed, amongst other things, that Parliament increase minimum sentences for serious crimes. He further averred that he concurred with the masses that bail and parole be opposed in order to fight the crimes committed against women and children.

However, the general public remains largely unaware that minimum sentencing requirements already exist within our legislation, but that in itself has not deterred accused persons from committing serious offences. Moreover, the call to oppose bail will be quite problematic, bearing in mind that the Criminal Procedure Act states that an accused is entitled to be released on bail should he/ she meet the requirements imposed by section 50(6). This contention has been expressly upheld by the courts, who stated that no one ought to be deprived of his/her freedom arbitrarily and, if the interests of justice so permit, the arrested person is entitled to be released.

Thus, the question remains whether the death penalty is a viable sentencing option in South Africa’s constitutional dispensation. Section 11 of the Constitution guarantees the right to life to all within the Republic. Section 37(5) further states that this right to life is a non-derogable right in its entirety, and therefore no limitation can be imposed on it, whether by legislation or the Constitution itself.

In the case of S v Makwanyane, the Constitutional Court found it imperative to abolish the death penalty as a form of punishment and held that it directly infringed on the right to life, guaranteed under section 11. It is important to note that the court when making this decision also considered the adverse effect on the right to dignity provided for in section 10 of the Constitution. Thus, the court held that it cannot be right that a person be punished in such an inhumane and unnatural manner under a constitutional dispensation.

It is understandable that as a result of the prevailing violent crimes committed against women and children there is wide contention for the reinstatement of the death penalty to serve as a deterrent form of punishment. However, as the court stated in the case of Makwanyane, even though wide contentions may be held by a majority of the people, the court’s duty is only to act as an independent arbiter of the Constitution and not merely as an agent for public opinion.

As provided above, constitutional sovereignty does not operate on an eye for an eye basis. As such, it is safe to conclude that the return of the death penalty is not a viable sentencing option under South Africa’s constitutional dispensation. It is therefore evident that a lot more work needs to be done in relation to crime prevention strategies, rehabilitation and the sustainability of the reintegration of offenders into communities.


Click here for our complete October 2019 Newsletter

Civil Society Forum at the Pan-African Parliament on the theme of Refugees, Returnees and Internally Displaced People

Civil Society Forum at the Pan-African Parliament on the theme of Refugees, Returnees and Internally Displaced People

By Muchengeta Hwacha, Johannesburg intern


The Centre for Human Rights, in collaboration with the Pan-African Parliament (PAP), invited ProBono.Org to participate in a Civil Society Organisation (CSO) Forum on the sidelines of the third ordinary session of the Fifth PAP legislature.

The CSO Forum was invited to engage on the African Union theme ‘The Year of Refugees, Returnees and Internally Displaced People’. The adoption of this theme comes at a time when there has been an increase in the number of incidents of xenophobic violence and related intolerances across the continent.

The forum sought to discuss and develop:

  • Avenues for countering
    xenophobic violence;
  • Enhancing protection for refugees; and
  • Mobilising effectively in protecting displaced populations.

After much discussion, civil society organisations committed themselves to continue to use the forum to advance the agenda of anti-xenophobia, internally displaced people and refugees.


Click here for our complete October 2019 Newsletter